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TESS is scheduled to launch on a SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket from Cape Canaveral Air Force Station nearby our Kennedy Space Center in Florida, no earlier than April 16, pending range approval.

This find confirmed that planets like the ones in our solar system could exist elsewhere in the universe. A recent statistical estimate places, on average, at least one planet around every star in the galaxy.

Of course, our ultimate science goal is to find unmistakable signs of current life. How soon can that happen? It depends on two unknowns: the prevalence of life in the galaxy and a bit of luck.

Read more about the search for life. No need to be an astronaut. Take a trip outside our solar system with help from our Exoplanet Travel Bureau.

Lucky Luciano says Happy Pride Month! We now know of thousands of exoplanets — planets that orbit stars elsewhere in the universe. Scientists from a variety of fields — including astrophysics, Earth science, heliophysics and planetary science — are working on this question.

Even our best telescopic images of exoplanets are still only a few pixels in size. Just how much information can we extract from such limited data?

From there, they set about a grand process of reverse-engineering: They try to extract as much accurate information as they can from what seems — at first glance — to be a fairly uninformative image.

In life as in science, even bad examples can be instructive. Since Earth and Venus are so close in size and yet so different in habitability, scientists are studying the signatures that distinguish Earth from Venus as a tool for differentiating habitable planets from their unfriendly look-alikes.

Planets that appear similar to Earth, but are in the Venus Zone of their star, are, we think, unlikely to be able to support life.

Scientists used this process to study Proxima b, our closest exoplanet neighbor. We all have habits—good or bad—and we can relate to this: Your morning routine: You probably have a specific set of actions you complete every morning without fail.

They might include eating, cleaning and dressing yourself, and perhaps reading or catching up on the news.

It could be going to the refrigerator for a healthy snack, or it could be driving to the fast food joint to pick up a quick burger.

The Habit Interruption Technique After the fourth time kicking myself for using the broken toilet, I decided I needed a way to remind myself of the situation before it was too late to, ahem, turn back.

All I did was add another cue to the mix—one that I controlled. The craving might drive you nuts, but the long trip will break you out of the automatic routine long enough to talk yourself out of it on the way.

Selling your TV or putting it in the closet might be too hard at first but certainly not ill-advised. Unplugging it between uses, though, would force you dig behind the set, find the cord, and plug it in to watch rather than pick up the remote.

Then, when you open it again, your creation tool is staring you right in the face. Ben-Gurion chose the path of ambiguity and concealment: he declared that Dimona was purely a civilian scientific project, for training in the use of nuclear power for economic development.

In his private assurances to the United States Ben-Gurion provided some new information, but it was entirely consistent with his public version.

For Ben-Gurion this ambiguous, if not entirely deceitful, strategy had obvious short-term benefits: lessening U. Nor was the departing president interested in escalating the Dimona problem into a diplomatic confrontation, which would not have even been possible given , with all that was already on his agenda the Laos and Berlin crises, for example.

Because relations with Israel had been relatively good, Israel had significant domestic support within the United States, and, perhaps most significantly, the Eisenhower administration was in its last few days in office, the White House let the State Department deal with the issue, keeping it under diplomatic control until the new Kennedy administration took office.

A determination to avoid a crisis encouraged senior officials such as Assistant Secretary of State G. The dilemma the Eisenhower administration faced after the discovery of Dimona in December January would endure for the entire decade.

From then on, three successive U. President Kennedy chose the toughest path of struggle and confrontation in his effort to check the program; President Johnson realized that the U.

The documents that follow are illuminating but more is to be learned. Many records remain classified in the National Archives, not only in State Department files but also those of the Atomic Energy Commission.

The papers of AEC Chairman John McCone at the National Archives include a file on Israel which is the subject of an earlier declassification request along with related State Department files.

Moreover, the National Security Archive has pending requests with the Department of Energy, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Dwight D.

Eisenhower Library. In response to a request to re-review SNIE See Document 8 , the CIA has held the line, refusing to release more information.

The request is now under appeal. A : Department of State Instruction A to U. Embassy Tel Aviv Despatch No. Source for both: National Archives College Park , Record Group 59, Department of State Records hereinafter RG 59 , Central Decimal Files, , a.

Some in the U. As an example, the instruction cited a recent press report in the Jerusalem Post on French-Israeli atomic cooperation. He noted that the agreement had no provision under which France was obligated to supply Israel uranium as had been reported; nor had Israel ever received such supply.

The comments were quite accurate as far as that unpublished bi-lateral exchange agreement was concerned Bergmann mentioned that there was also a tri-lateral agreement on atomic energy research between Israel, France and the UK.

Israel did not advertise the existence of those agreements, but did not treat them as classified either.

Not surprisingly, however, Bergmann made no reference to the extremely secret French-Israeli Dimona agreement which had been signed in Paris on 3 October One must assume that he must have known something about that deal but it is not clear how much knew given that the IAEC was hardly consulted, let alone involved, in the decisions and actions that led to Dimona.

Or perhaps it was a mix of both? It is worth noting that Bergmann was known among Israelis as being loose on secrecy and this was apparently one of the reasons why he was bypassed on the Dimona project.

In April U. Moreover, U. The category signifies communications, transportation, and science; 84A stands for Israel; and indicates research and development.

A : Memorandum of Conversation, Norwegian Foreign Ministry, 5 June , Secret, with 30 December routing slip [transcript attached].

B : Richard Kerry to Philip Farley, 15 June , Secret. Sources: A: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, [SAE], box , File Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy Safeguards Sept-Dec Part 1 of 3; B: RG 59, SAE, box , Z1.

General Part 2 of 2 C: RG 59, SAE, box , Country File Norway d. General Part 2 of 2. A critical piece of information that was known to the State Department, but for obscure reasons remained unknown to the U.

The Norwegians claimed that they wanted to keep the transaction under wraps because disclosure could hurt their diplomatic standing and interfere with business prospects in the Middle East.

Evidently, Israel had equally strong reasons of her own to keep the heavy water deal secret as well. For this reason, but also due to an availability issue, Norway used the U.

Then, as part of the three-party arrangement, the Norwegians asked the British to resell their excess heavy water back to NORATOM; even though the product would be shipped directly from the United Kingdom to Israel, it was NORATOM that was selling it.

This also enabled NORATOM to avoid the political difficulty of having to apply to the Norwegian government for an export license.

In any event, on 5 June , the Norwegian Foreign Ministry informed AEC official William M. S Embassy in Oslo prepared the memo of conversation and some days later, on 15 June, embassy political officer Richard Kerry forwarded it to Philip J.

Farley, the assistant to the secretary of state for disarmament and atomic energy, asking that Fullerton and his boss, Algie Wells, receive copies.

For unknown reasons the memo was lost in the shuffle and was not disseminated above the middle levels of the State Department and the AEC.

Top Department officials, not to mention those at the CIA or from State Department intelligence, did not see that June memo until December , although months before the CIA had learned there had been a deal.

In a follow-up conversation, Richard Kerry learned more, indirectly, about the political sensitivity of Norwegian secret deals with Israel from Gunnar Randers, the director of the Atomic Energy Institute, and the key figure in Norwegian nuclear policy after World War II.

Source: National Archives College Park , Record Group 59, Department of State records RG 59 , Central Decimal Files , A.

American Machine and Foundry AMF Atomics was the company which installed for Israel the 1 MW swimming pool type light water nuclear reactor at Nachal Soreq known today as the Soreq Nuclear Research Center that Israel received as a gift from the U.

In late July , U. Embassy officials learned from a conversation with D. As of this writing, this document is the first and earliest available declassified US document that makes explicit reference to the Dimona project.

We should note that at the National Archives College Park , over one hundred additional documents from remain classified in the decimal files.

A declassification request for them is pending. The embassy reported this conversation to Washington and asked that the U.

It took a few weeks before this information went to nuclear energy intelligence experts in Washington at the AEC and CIA who came to realize that they had missed other pieces of intelligence See Document 27A and began looking more closely at what was going on at the Dimona site.

A : State Department Instruction CA to U. Embassy Paris Airgram G to State Department, 22 November , Confidential. Sources: A: Record Group 84, Records of Foreign Service Posts, Classified Records of the U.

Mission to the International Atomic Energy Agency, , box 1, Atomic Energy Developments Israel ; B: Freedom of Information release.

When the U. S intelligence community got wind of the Tel Aviv embassy report on the French-Israeli reactor project see Document 2 , it took time to digest it; U.

It is still a puzzle whether, and to what extent, U-2 overhead photographs were especially telling or whether they were being distributed within the intelligence community.

If the U. But U. While the French official denied any bilateral cooperation with Israel on a power reactor, he acknowledged the existence of an earlier agreement between the two national atomic energy commissions under which the bodies collaborated in two specific areas: 1 heavy water production and 2 extracting uranium from phosphates.

In retrospect, it is impossible to say whether the CEA interlocutor truly knew nothing about the Dimona project-the Israeli-French deal was highly compartmentalized and secret within the CEA-or whether he made a deliberate effort to mislead the United States.

Strictly speaking, however, his statement was not a lie because the Dimona reactor was not a power reactor.

Source: National Archives College Park , Record Group 59, Department of State Records hereinafter RG 59 , Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, , box , 12H P.

S File: Safeguards September-December [Part 2 of 3]. Despite the lack of cooperation from the French government, Washington was piecing together information about the site in the Negev Desert from a variety of intelligence sources.

By 25 November, Secretary of State Herter was confident enough in the information accumulated so far to share its essence with British Ambassador Harold Caccia.

A : Paris Embassy Telegram to State Department, 26 November , Secret. B : Memorandum of conversation, [Title excised], 1 December , Secret, excised copy.

Sources: A: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, , box , 12H P.

Safeguards September-December [Part 2 of 3], B: Freedom of Information release; C: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, , box , Z1.

Reactor He tantalized Rouleau by holding back what he had learned, but the little he said implied that Israel, with French aid, was engaged in some sort of a large scale secret nuclear power project.

Gomberg also noted that he learned from an unnamed personal friend of Ben-Gurion [he probably meant Dr. Bergmann] that within a few weeks Israel would announce a five year [atomic energy] plan and would disclose the construction at the Beersheba site.

Several days later, on 1 December, Gomberg came to Washington for a full debriefing of AEC and State Department representatives.

His name is redacted from this release of the memorandum of that conversation declassified in the early s but it is evident that Gomberg was the subject of the debriefing.

Then he estimated that the power level of the Beersheba project would be approximately MW thermal. Later Gomberg noted that US photographs that were shown to him indicated a very close resemblance to the French G-1 reactor in Marcoule.

In his last meeting with Dr. Memorandum from Deputy Operations Coordinator Charles E. Rogers, Office of Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, to Mr.

Jones and Mr. Farley, 7 December , Secret. Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, , box , CF While the U.

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